Ideas·IDEAS AFTERNOON

Can Chile rid itself of 50 years of neo-liberalism?

In 1973, a military junta overthrew Chile’s socialist government in a bloody coup. Then the military installed a radical pro-market program, inspired in part by neo-liberalist Milton Friedman. Fifty years later, this neo-liberal experiment could soon be ending.

The extreme neo-liberal policy that exists today in Chile, began under a dictatorship

Chilean President Salvador Allende (C) wawes to their supporters in Santiago a few days after his election 24 October 1970.  The car with Allende is escorted by General Augusto Pinochet (L).
General Augusto Pinochet (L) escorts newly elected Chilean President Salvador Allende (C), Oct. 24, 1970. Allende served for three years until the presidential palace was attacked in 1973 in a coup d’etat. General Augusto Pinochet and the military junta then led 17 years of violence and repression. (AFP via Getty Images)

*Originally published on Oct. 4, 2023.


September 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of a bloody coup d'etat that toppled Chile's socialist government in 1973. Led by General Augusto Pinochet, the military dictatorship that took power killed or "disappeared" more than 3,000 people over the next 17 years. 

What is less well-known, is that ousted President Salvador Allende's ambitious socialist programme was replaced by one of the earliest and most expansive neo-liberal experiments in the world. 

"The neo-liberal policy starting in 1974 and '75 could not have been carried out in Chile without a dictatorship," said Raúl González, an economics professor at the Academic University of Christian Humanism in Santiago.

"And this was due to the influence of a group called the 'Chicago Boys.'"

Chile's economic right-turn

'Chicago Boys' was a nickname given to a group of Chilean economic students who, under an agreement between Chile and the U.S., studied at the University of Chicago — home to professors like Milton Friedman, who were extolling a new, radical economic theory now known as neo-liberalism. 

The exchange program was set up by the U.S. State Department beginning in 1955 as part of an effort to counter Soviet influence in Latin America.  

Most of the graduates who returned to Chile in the 1960s and '70s worked in relative obscurity in banks, think-tanks and universities. 

"They are considered to be completely crazy," said Sebastian Edwards, an economics professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. "Then when the coup comes in 1973, the military uses them. They put together a neo-liberal program which has markets at every level, and it transforms the Chilean economy in a massive way."

Members of the four-men military junta that seized power in Chile on Sept. 11, 1973 in a bloody coup against President Salvador Allende, salute during Independence Day celebrations Sept. 18, 1973. From left, Air Force Commander Gen. Gustavo Leigth; Army chief and coup leader Gen.  Augusto Pinochet, Navy chief Adm. Jose Toribio Merino, and Police Director Gen. Cesar Mendoza.
Four members of the military junta that seized power in Chile on Sept. 11, 1973 in a coup d’etat against President Salvador Allende are from left: Air Force Commander Gen. Gustavo Leigth, Army chief and coup leader Gen. Augusto Pinochet, Navy chief Adm. Jose Toribio Merino, and Police Director Gen. Cesar Mendoza. (Associated Press)

It was the ultimate paradox: a powerful state that was omnipresent in matters of security and repressing dissent, yet all but absent in vast areas of social and public life.

From schools and pensions to healthcare, private businesses began to provide public services, and under Pinochet, this pro-market system was enshrined in the constitution.

Despite the country's return to democracy in 1990, the same constitution remains until this day, even after a succession of centrist governments. 

In this March 11, 1990 photo, Chile's newly sworn-in President Patricio Aylwin acknowledges the crowd as Gen. Augusto Pinochet looks on, at Congress in Valparaiso, Chile. Aylwin lead Chile's transition from military dictatorship to democracy.
Patricio Aylwin was sworn in as Chile's president on March 11, 1990, with Gen. Augusto Pinochet (R) looking on. Aylwin led Chile's transition from military dictatorship to democracy. (Marco Ugarte/AP)

Chileans take to the streets in protest

Years of economic growth have led some to describe Chile's performance as something of a miracle, while others point to the country's levels of inequality as being among the highest in the world.

Eighty per cent of the country's wealth belongs to the top 10 per cent of the population. 

"The fact that Chile grew so much, I think, has had an effect in increasing the sense of injustice, because you can see the economic growth everywhere," said Claudia Heiss, Political Scientist at the University of Chile. 

"You can see the price of life getting higher. It's much more expensive to live in Chile than to live in Argentina or Mexico. But the salaries are not enough to live at that scale."

 A protester holds a piece of cloth reading "New Constitution or Nothing" during a demonstration at Plaza Italia in Santiago, Chile.
A protester holds a piece of cloth that says 'New Constitution or Nothing' during a demonstration at Plaza Italia in Santiago, Chile, Oct. 22, 2019. (Pedro Ugarte/AFP via Getty Images)

Public anger has culminated in multiple protests in recent years, reaching a boiling point in October 2019, with a rise in Santiago's metro fares. Young people barged into metro stations across the city, refusing to pay. Stations were vandalized, some set on fire. 

By October 25, more than 1.2 million people were on the streets of Santiago in the country's biggest protests since it became a democracy in 1990. Placards were emblazoned with the words "it's not the 30 pesos, it's the 30 years."

A new constitution

In a referendum in 2020, close to 80 per cent of Chileans voted to change the constitution.

But a draft charter granting Indigenous and LGBTQ+ rights and greater environmental protections was rejected by two-thirds of voters in another referendum last year. Many thought it had gone too far. 

A second draft will be voted on in December 2023. But with the new constitutional council dominated by right-wing parties, questions of crime and immigration are beginning to eclipse protesters' initial concerns over economic injustice. 

For some, this signals the beginning of the end of neo-liberalism, while others are wary of reforms that can be reversed.  


 

Guests in this episode:

Claudia Heiss is a political scientist and head of the political science undergraduate program at University of Chile.

Gabriel Salazar is a celebrated Chilean historian and author of The Chilean Army and Popular Sovereignty.

Ricardo Ffrench-Davis is recently retired professor of economics at the University of Chile and author of The Neoliberal Pandemic. 

Raúl González is an economist and sociologist at the Academy of Christian Humanism University.

Aldo Madariaga is a professor of political science at Diego Portales University in Santiago and author of Neoliberal Resilience, Lessons in Democracy and Development from Latin America and Eastern Europe. 

Mario Ramos is a publisher at Quimantu publishing house.

Daniel Jadue is the mayor of Santiago municipality Recoleta and member of Communist Party. 

Sebastian Edwards is an economics professor at UCLA and the author of The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism.
 


*This episode was produced by Kyle G. Brown and Mary Lynk.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Kyle G. Brown is a freelance journalist based in Paris. Specializing in development and human rights issues, he has reported from Latin America, Europe and Africa for the CBC, BBC, the Guardian, the Toronto Star and other outlets.

Add some “good” to your morning and evening.

Subscribe to our newsletter to find out what's on, and what's coming up on Ideas, CBC Radio's premier program of contemporary thought.

...

The next issue of Ideas newsletter will soon be in your inbox.

Discover all CBC newsletters in the Subscription Centre.opens new window

This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Google Terms of Service apply.